What has the United Kingdom just done to itself, its people and the
future of its youth? It is difficult to fully understand why a country
in taking a decision about its future will decide on a false option that
seems to negate long-term interests. And this, just because a total of
17.4 million people out of over 61 million chose to vote against the
United Kingdomโs continued membership of the EU. More than 50% of these
pro-Brexit voters are actually between the age bracket: 50-70, thus an
ageing class of voters has taken a decision to undermine the future of
the younger generation. Pro-EU Prime Minister David Cameron said he was
โcourageous and optimisticโ when in January 2014, he tried to justify
the need for a referendum.His words then: โI think the overwhelming majority of
the British people say they want to be in Europe but they want some
changes to that relationship and they would like to be given a say. It
is not something that we should be frightened of. Itโs something we
should embrace.โ Cameron is now a study in political miscalculation and
how over-confidence can make a political leader misread the peopleโs
moods and expectations. He has been praised for his โcourageโ in quickly
accepting the peopleโs verdict and for tendering his resignation, but I
guess he wonโt possibly be talking about courage. He must be full of
regrets for presiding over the United Kingdomโs exit into a nightmare.
Britain is better off remaining in the EU.
But on June 23, 2016, the people of Great Britain spoke and their
verdict has been accepted as the status quo, except a miracle happens
and the current petition by the pro-EU protesters results in a second
referendum. As things stand, the people have rejected continued
membership of the European Union. The implication is that the majority
of the people believe that the United Kingdom is better off on its own.
What is quite clear is that this British exit (Brexit) is more about the
rise of xenophobia, bigotry and isolationism. It is not new. Britain
has always looked backward and in-out in the course of its membership of
the EU, oscillating between its commitment to a greater Europe and the
need to preserve British identity and sovereignty.
The British public mind has been driven in recent years by loud,
perpetual carping about too much control from Brussels, and the need to
project Britain first. The ultra nationalists nursed fears about their
great country becoming a colony within a EU empire. They are
uncomfortable with the apparent globalization of British demographics,
turning Britain into a country of many racial colours, with the influx
of so many immigrants who are empowered by EU laws to be free citizens
of a united Europe.
The call for a referendum on this matter has now given the Brexiteers,
who just want their country to be left alone by outsiders, the
opportunity they have always wanted. PM Cameron apparently
underestimated their resolve. The Leave EU activists campaigned more
vigorously, and deployed every possible means including blackmail and
sentiments. They had the vibrant support of many political leaders
including former London Mayor Boris Johnson, Michael Gove, and
fire-eating UKIP leader, Nigel Farage. In the event of an intense
campaign that divided the country right down the middle, we witnessed
the mainstreaming of xenophobia and bigotry.
Labour MP Jo Cox who was murdered by an irate Eurosceptic for her pro-EU
stance will be remembered as the symbol of how a straightforward, for
or against, political debate turned into hate campaign and a national
referendum became an act of terror. There are many lessons to be learnt
from this instructively low moment in Britain.
What has happened is actually a referendum on the British establishment
and the EU. The EU faces a crisis requiring urgent introspection and
reform of its processes, if it must continue to serve its purpose.
Britain is not the first country to avoid membership of the EU but
whereas countries like Switzerland and Norway can hold out on their own,
Brexit comes at great cost to the British. At hand is the triumph of
emotions over reason, and the triumph of right wing populism. In many
countries of Europe and even at the moment in the United States, the
ultra-conservative political bloc seems to be in the ascendancy.
Questions are being asked about regional integration and globalization.
The basis for this is largely the manner in which regional groupings
such as the EU disappoint the people. This is made worse by the failure
of the leadership elite and sitting governments. When people are not
happy with their governments or their circumstances, they are ready to
make any choice that looks like an alternative. Opposition and
anti-establishment politicians understand this game too well.
All they need to do is to demonize the establishment, tear the
government of the day into pieces, call names and tell the people that
the time has come for change. Those who claim that they best know how
to save a nation, armed with populist rhetoric in an election time, and
have the best support of the people, in the long run stand a better
chance of winning. Democracy in that fashion is a play-field of
emotions, not facts. It is the same scenario that made Bernie Sanders
so popular in the recent Presidential nomination process in the United
States, and also led to the emergence of Donald Trump as the presumptive
Republican Presidential candidate. Political leaders who donโt want sad
outcomes only have to provide good leadership and meet the peopleโs
expectations.
It is also clear that democracy may not produce rational outcomes in so
far as it awards triumph on the basis of percentages: in Brexit, the
difference is just 4%, 58-42, but the rule of the game is that majority
carries the day, and as in most cases, the winner takes it all. But
should the economic and political destiny of a people be determined in
such formulaic manner? Brexit has left the United Kingdom in a more
divided shape that it was before the referendum. The entire country is
in turmoil. The taste of change doesnโt quite seem so sweet anymore,
less than 72 hours after the vote. Young Britons may no longer be able
to move freely across Europe and the experts have predicted rising costs
and expectations and greater economic hardship. If Brexit stands, more
than half of the population will be thrown into a winter of discontent,
wondering why just about 1.3 million voters (17.4 million (for),
16.1million (against) should have been allowed to mislead a country.
Many Britons will no longer be able to find jobs so easily across
Europe. Hyper democracy has resulted in British discombobulation.
But that is democracy: it includes the peopleโs right to make mistakes,
that is – the right of the simple majority to make mistakes at the
expense of the minority, who may have lost the vote due to poor turn out
or other matters of logistics. Leadership counts. The truth is that
the leadership elite in Britain has also not always being too clear
about where Britain should stand in relation to the rest of Europe.
Even the pro-EU political leaders do not really object to Britain
holding on to its national currency, the Pound, as opposed to the Euro,
and Britain opting out of the idea of being a Schengen border.
Britain also did not join the European Economic Community until 1973, 16
years late.
Two years later, there was an exit referendum similar to this one, won
by the pro-Europe campaigners. Nothing forecloses the possibility of
another referendum in the not too distant future to reverse the present
decision. What has happened is perhaps all correctly British, in the
final analysis: a nation yet to come to terms with certain modern
realities, caught between nostalgia and the future.
This is precisely what the copycat plebiscites should understand,
particularly in Africa where some commentators have been saying that
some African countries on account of Brexit may begin to raise questions
about the relevance of the African Union. The AU is modeled after the
EU and it receives substantial funding support from it, but it has not
been as remotely relevant in addressing the peopleโs expectations. In
my opinion, there is nothing to fear in terms of a copycat effect in
Africa; most Africans are indifferent about the AU anyway, they are not
even aware of its existence. But as most development aid received by
African countries come from the EU, this may be negatively affected with
the exit of a major country like Britain, and a post-EU Britain may
also be compelled to adjust its trade relations, immigration rules, and
development support for countries in Africa. This, I think, is all there
is to it at this end.
Closer home, the more strident call is for a referendum on the Nigerian
union. In the last few days, I have for example, seen a strange
Nigerian invention called โBiafrexitโ. This must be a joke, symbolically
thrown up by those who must know that no Nigerian government will allow
such a vote.
The Brexit vote was not about disintegration, even if Scotland is now
insisting on its independent right to be part of the EU; rather the vote
was more about national and economic identity. Nigeria is still at the
level of debates: we can hold as many conferences as we like, adjust the
Constitution at mutually agreed terms, but a referendum that could lead
to the dissolution of this country is not what we need, and it is
certainly not the lesson from Brexit.
